The importance and significance of calligraphy as an independent art is clearly indicated in a passage in the Ain – i – Akbari ( Blochmann’s Edition , Calcutta , 1873 , p . 97 ) ; ‘ People may mistake a picture for a reality , yet pictures are much inferior to the written letter , inasmuch as the letter may embody the wisdom of bygone ages , and become a means the to intellectual progress , writing is more important two arts . ” Handwriting was thus practiced as a separate art , and by patient practice brought to a superfine perfection , chiefly through the generous patronage of Persian princes.

Though it is quite possible that Islamic calligraphy may have come in contact with Italian calligraphy of the fifteenth century , and possibly influenced it , actual examples of calligraphy which can be definitely claimed to be Islamic in character , do not go beyond the ninth century – the most typical examples being the numerous survivals of the leaves from Koran written in Kufic characters . The square dots in some of the early fifteenth century Italian illuminated manuscripts seem to recall much of the feeling of the pages of the Kufic Korans , without any suggestion of any direct borrowing . The origin of Islamic calligraphy , supposed to have been derived from Syriac writing , has still to be investigated and any new material which may add to our knowledge of this art , may be fruitful of new suggestions . I have therefore readily offered , at the request of the Editor , to describe and comment on some new examples light . of calligraphy which have recently come to light.

I must state at the outset that of the six specimens unfortunately only two , namely , Figs . 1 and 2 , are signed , while the remaining four do not bear any signature , nor the date of transcription , except Fig . 6 which contains the date 1074 A.H. in the text . Fig . 1. The first specimen is a beautiful panel of calligraphy , signed by Mir ‘ Alial Katib , the greatest Nasta ‘ liq calligrapher that Persia has produced .

The ornamentation is simple in style and the outer border contains naturalistic flowering plant – motifs of the seventeenth century . The text has been written in a firm , bold hand ; and the perfectly symmetrical style proves , in no uncertain manner , the mastery of the penman and the consummate skill which he has displayed in the execution of his work . Mir ‘ Ali , the transcriber of the Wasli , was a pupil of celebrated Sultan Alial – Mashhadi the ( d . Circa 921 A.H. ) , whom he excelled as a calligraphist and had , even during the lifetime of that illustrious master , many admirers who assigned him a higher place than his teacher . ‘ Ali enjoyed the patronage of Ubaidullah Khan Uzbuk ( 946 A.H. ) and Sultan Abdul Aziz of Bukhārā ( 947-957 A.H. ) , who showered royal favours on him ; but , apparently , he was not pleased with the life which he led at their courts . He always yearned for his home – Herät – the city of sweet memories and charming surroundings .

Mir Ali died ( as I have shown in my Specimens of Muslim Calligraphy in the Ghose Collection , Calcutta , 1928 , p . 7 ) , after 957 A.H. Ab’ul Fazl , the author of the celebrated Akbar Nama , pays tribute to him in the following terms : ” He brought his art to perfection by imitating the style of Sultan ” Ali of Mashhad . The new method which he established is a proof of his genius . ” the author of the Biography of Calli graphists states that Mir Ali ” gave a new 99 And 4 colour and fragrance to the garden of calli graphy , and made the brain of the world scented with the aromatic herbs of his fine penmanship . ” The text , which comprises two beautiful verses from the Diwán of the celebrated Persian poet , Hafiz , runs as follows :

Text : An kas ki bidast jäm därad , ” Aish – u – Tarab – i – mudām därad ; Nargis hama shiwahäiy masti , Az chashm – i – khush – i – tu – wam dārad.

TRANSLATION : One who holds a wine – cup in his hand , Enjoys everlasting mirth and joy ; Narcissus has , all these ways of intoxication , Drawn from thy beautiful eyes .

Fig . 2. This specimen which bears the signature of Muhammad Şalih , was trans cribed in 1105 A.H. ( 1693-94 A.D. ) , namely , towards the latter part of the reign of Aurangzib . The marginal decoration is attractive in style and the ornamentation is certainly more elaborate than in the former , but the calligraphy is of a much inferior order and shows unmistakable signs of the deterioration of the Fine Art of penmanship , which is particularly noticeable in the drawing of dawa’ir , i.e. , curves . S a y ti The text , which is a Persian quatrain of a mediocre type , runs as follows : TEXT : Har nafas dil dar shikanj – i – gham surūdi mikanad ,  Hayu Hayi girya am ahang – i – rudi miku nad Man namidänam ki dil mi súzad az gham ya jigar , h Atash uftad ast dar chahi – u – düdi miku nad .  Al – ‘ abd Muhammad Salih ( Ghafira lahu ) 1165 A. H. in My heart is ever singing in the grip of sorrow , ( And ) my constant wailing’s long for the harmony of the harp ;  I do not know whether my heart is being consumed or the liver , ( But this much I know ) that fire is burning in the well ( of my heart ) and giving out smoke .  The Wasli , which appears to have been transcribed during the eighteenth or early nineteenth century , is a very good specimen of Nasta’liq penmanship . Like the transcriber of Fig . 4 , he is gifted with a sense of proportion , and what he lacks in skill and experience , he has made up in symmetry . The decoration on the border in is identical in style with that on Figs . 1 , 2 and 4 , but I fear that it belongs to a much older date than the transcription itself .  But I do not venture to pronounce definite opinion as it is quite possible that the photographic reproduction may be quite misleading .

The text comprises three verses : the first two from the Chazal of some Persian poet whom I have been unable to identify , while the last is the opening verse ( Matlá ) of a well – known Ghazal of Hafiz , the celebrated mystic Poet of Persia . Although Fig . 4. The Wasli is an interesting specimen of Nasta’liq calligraphy , possessing an artistic simplicity of its own . the calligraphy is not of a high order , yet the penman has made up his deficiency in this respect by a natural gift of a sense of proportion . The text comprises a verse of the Koran with its interlinear translation in Persian , but it is strange that the Arabic text which should have been written in Naskh , has actually been written in Nasta’liq . Is it that the calligrapher could not write a good hand in Naskh , or that he has done so deliberately. Anyway , the Wasli places before us an interesting matter for study and investigation . Fig . 5. An indated and unsigned Wasli , which isolerably good specimen of the Nasta li calligraphy that was practiced in India during the seventeenth and the eighteenth centuries . The interlinear and marginal decorations are elaborate , but they do not seem to be the work of a skilled artist .

However , I must confess that my conclusion is based on the photographic reproduction that is before me , but it is quite possible that the original Wasli may have its artistic features , which have not been reproduced in the black – and – white photograph that is before me . The text , which comprises two lines from some Persian Masnawi , is in praise of God . Fig . 6. This Wasli , which is a charming specimen of Shikasta calligraphy , was transcribed about 1074 A.H. – 1663-64 A.D. The penman , who unfortunately does not sign his name , appears to have been expert in his Art . He has imitated the style of Darwish – the great Shikasta calligrapher of Persia – very successfully and the ease and firmness with which he has written the Wasli lead me to assign its scribe , a place among the foremost calligraphers of Persia . The text is an epistle bearing the date 12th Muharram , 174 ( i.e. , 1074 A.H. ) .

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On The Authenticity Of The Feminine Portraits of The Moghul School.

By Ordhendra C. Gangoly in RUPAM. Number 33- 34. January to April, 1928.

The portrait painters of the Moghul school have bequeathed to us a shining gallery of Beautiful Women, pictured in exquisite little miniatures, in which are recorded all the grace, the feminine charm, and the glory of womanhood set off in all the radiant halos of gorgeous dresses, fine muslins, and exquisite jewels. The Moghul miniatures, hitherto published, have done but scanty justice to the beauties of the Moghul harem, and the Moghul School of Portraiture has been chiefly studied in their masculine phases, – strong, vigorous yet delicate sketches of sultans and princes, ministers and mansabdars, courtiers and grandees, military commanders and soldiers, retainers and lackeys, and, sometimes, saints and holy men. But the queens and princesses, begums and sultânâs, the “Lights among the princesses “ (Roshanārā), the “Lights of the harem “ (Nur Mahal), the “Princesses of renown “ (Jāhānārā) and the ” Crowns of seraglios ” (Tajmahal), the ” Lights of the World ” (Nur Jähän) have been somewhat ungallantly passed over. The reason for this neglect is offered in the charge that the majority of the portraits of women, left by the Moghul school, are imaginary pictures and are not the record of actual likenesses. It has been stated that having regard to the strict purdah observed in the Moghul harem, it was impossible to obtain actual portraits of the dazzling denizens of the marble palaces, the ” Houris of an earthly paradise.” This is amply supported by the testimony of the records of European travellers, chiefly Bernier and Manucci. The former has remarked: ” Truly it is with difficulty that these ladies can be approached, and they are almost inaccessible to the sight of man “.1 Of the three things prohibited by the imperial regulations the most important was ” a too near approach to the ladies of the seraglio “. Even when the princes and emperors retired into zenanas – the apartments reserved for the ladies – they were not accompanied by any male retainers but were carried by eunuchs and even women servants on Takt-i-rawans (lit, travelling throne) a moveable seat, carried somewhat like sedan chairs, – well illustrated in the example here reproduced from the Tagore collection, Calcutta (Fig. 1). The seraglio itself was guarded by an army of eunuchs, Turkish amazons, and supervised by an hierarchy of matrons, chaperons and lady superintendents of various ranks, known under the various designations of daroghas, banus, urdu – begi, etc. Even when the ladies of the harem travelled, or went out, on particular occasions, they were carefully screened from public gaze. 

The evidence of the Venetian traveller, Niccolao Manucci is much more explicit, and based on more actual experience and personal observation than that of the French traveller quoted above. He has remarked: ” I wonder, when I find someone writing in Europe (a covert allusion to Bernier), that he managed one day to get near enough to see a woman servant whisking away the flies from Roshanārā Begam, which is an impossibility. For the princesses and nobles’ wives are shut up in such a manner that they cannot be seen, although they can observe the passers – by “.2 ” They seemed so many ghosts or spirits of the abyss, you could not tell if they were handsome or ugly, old or young, men or women; for, let alone the face, you could not see even the tips of their toes”. 3. This is amply supported by pictorial evidence, particularly, the miniature depicting a urdu-begi or woman superintendent of a harem camp, represented in a miniature reproduced in Irvine’s edition, Plate XLIII, Vol. IV, depicting a woman riding on a horse with her whole body covered by a cloak of flowered patterns, from head to foot. As to the possibility of obtaining likenesses of queens and princesses, the testimony of Manucci is quite explicit. ” I do not bring forward any portrait of queens and princesses, for it is impossible to see them, thanks to their being concealed. If anyone has produced such portraits, they should not be accepted being only the likenesses of concubines and dancing – girls, etc., which have been drawn according to the artist’s fancy” (Irvine, Vol. I, Introduction, p. liv). Armed with these apparently reliable evidences, scholars have been able to argue that the feminine portraits of the Moghul school are imaginary versions rather than actual records. ” In a society where the power of a woman is great, but where she is rather a guarded flame than one beheld of all eyes, it is natural that the portraits of women should be more idealised, less actual delineations of the outward aspect of the face, than that is the case with those of men. It must sometimes have been the case that the artist had never seen, or scarcely seen, the subject of his portrait, nor would it have accorded with good taste to multiply the likeness of noble ladies and make all men familiar with their hidden beauty. The conditions were thus favourable to the production of an ideal type. “* Some exceptions may have happened in the cases of princesses of outstanding personalities like Nur Jähän, the ” Light of the World, ” who is said to have appeared in public. It is stated, that on occasions, she used to present herself before her subjects at the jharka (balcony) in the manner and following the custom of the Moghul emperors. Indeed, several portraits of Nur Jähän represent her as seated at the jharka. It is quite possible that in her case, at least, the surviving portraits are authentic likenesses. That she used to come out of the purdah and take her share in the ordinary life and pastimes of the emperors is supported by other incidents. Thus Jahangir in his memoirs refers to an occasion when Nur Jähän actually accompanied him on a hunting expedition and shot four tigers. 

As Mr. Percy Brown has pointed out that ” even on such an adventure the queen sat in an a’mâri or covered howdah, thus screened from the public eye as much as the unusual circumstances would permit, and no doubt all members of the male sex, except those necessary for her safety, were withdrawn from the vicinity. Moreover, Jahangir, who would never have allowed such an event to pass without a pictorial record being made, refrained from doing so on this occasion due, no doubt, to gossips about the luxuriance and comforts of these baths ( many of which have survived in the remains of the old Moghul Palaces at Agra and Delhi). Here, all the faces of the bathing ladies are lacking in conviction, and are, almost all, identical in type without any individual characterization. They could not have been based on any actual study of the originals. Curiously, and by way of contrast, we notice there is a conviction and a sense of realism and intensity in the figures of the women servants and attendants depicted on the borders of the miniature, which certainly prove a contact with actual models and a close familiarity with the types depicted. Incidentally, we should like to comment on the very clever convention adopted to relate the border of the picture to the theme of the miniature itself imbedded in the centre of the border, a very familiar convention with the Moghul miniaturists. The floral border is interspersed with numerous figures of women attendants of the harem, depicted in all manner of poses awaiting the time when the ladies will come out of the bath and will finish their toilette, with the help of the attendants, who will, one after another, offer items held in charge of each, the dish of attar, the bowl of rose – water, the pot of henna – dye, the casket of sandal paste, and, lastly, the pearls and jewels. The decorative motives of the border are therefore put into an intimate relation to the context of the miniature itself.  But the various so – called portraits of Zebunnessa, daughter of Aurangzeb, which have survived in many versions deserve notice as a typical problem of the authenticity of some of the Moghul portraits. In the three examples of the reputed portrait of Zebunnessa (Figs. 15, 16, & 17) here reproduced, the faces are all different, and the only common element is the sitär, Between the first and the second example (Figs. 15 & 16) there is an additional common feature in the pose of the figure (? one. of the legs being placed across the doubled- up knee of the other leg. This may have been a characteristic habit of the princess. In the third example, a very late version the treatment is somewhat florid and flippant, if somewhat independent and cannot be said to have any relation to the other versions which appear to have some common traditional foundation. In the case of the portrait of Nur Jähän we have a common traditional sketch – outline (khākā) which is the common basis of most of the extant portraits excepting the Bodlian version (Plate XV, Binyon, ” The Court Painters of the Grand Moghuls, ” 1921). But in the Bodlian version we may perhaps hypothecate that it represents a portrait earlier than those given in our illustrations here (Figs. 15, 16 & 17) as there is somewhat authentic resemblance in the general features of the portrait in the Bodlian example as compared with the two versions here illustrated. In the case of the so called portraits of Zebunnessa which we are considering here, it is impossible to discover any common features of resemblance in the type of the face ; so that it is almost impossible to say if any of these portraits is an authentic likeness. If the Princess was fond of her sitär, that might have merely introduced as a heresay  rather than on the basis of an actual sitting.  

To sum up, with occasional exceptions, the surviving portraits of women are not, as a rule, authentic likenesses, or actual portraits, but imaginary visualisations, based perhaps on familiar types. However, the loss to History is, in this case, a distinct gain to Art. For the lack of realistic data, drives the Moghul artists to seek inspiration from an imaginary vision, and to create an ideal type of exquisite artistic convention, which transports the somewhat prosaic and pedestrian art of the Moghul court, on the wings of heightened fancy, to a higher plane of imaginative sublimation. 

1. Bernier. ” Travels in the Moghul Empire. ” Constable, 1891, p. 373. 41 

2. ” Storia Do Mogor. ” Irvine’s edition, Vol. II, p. 72, 73  

3.  Ibid, vol II, p. 72, note 4

4. *Coomaraswamy, ” Indian Drawings, ” 1, p. 15, 

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SOME IMAGES OF BRAMHA OF THE CHOLA PERIOD.

By Ordhendra C. Gangoly in RUPAM. Number 35-36, July-October, 1928.

ВRAMHA, the first member of the Hindu Trinity to be clearly distinguished from Bramhâ, the all-pervading Eternal Spirit, is regarded as the Creator of the Worlds, of which the other members of the Trinity are regarded as Preserver and Destroyer.

In popular worship, Bramha has been practically superseded by Visnu and Siva, and temples dedicated to Bramha, of which only four have survived, * show that at one time the God was regularly worshipped. That special temples were erected, dedicated to his worship, as late as the 10th century is proved by the remains of the triple shrine at Pram-banan, Java, where a temple with the image of Bramha has survived. Though regarded as the Creator and the Lord of Beings (prajapati), the iconography of the image does not emphasize the creative function.

Bramha, as pictured by the iconographer, is the personified and ideal Brâmhana sage and seer, a yogi with matted locks, incessantly chanting the four vedas through his four mouths (hence four-headed), carrying the Śruva the ladle, symbolising the ritual of the bead homa libation, the rosary (aksa-mala), the bead of prayers, and the water-vessel (kamandalu), the necessary implement of sacred rituals. He is in fact an idealised Bramhin ascetic, typefying vedic culture, learning and rituals, in all their aspects. He is also seated on conceived as a lotus (padmasana), but this may indeed mean the technical mystic pose of a yogi, though it is interpreted by the iconographer, physically, as a figure seated on a lotus. Another of his iconographic peculiarity is the kurcha or the kusa grass, the important item for all vedic rituals.

(Fig. A1)

Yet another symbol is the lotus itself, suggesting the origin of Bramha, who, according to ancient myths, was born out of a lotus (padma-yoni). Though Bramhâ has long ceased to receive homage in a specially dedicated temple, his image is, by no means, unrepresented in the plastic arts. To indicate his place in the trinity, the God is frequently represented as an avarana devata or “covering deity,” generally occupying the niche on the northern wall of a Siva temple.

In these representations, he is pictured not as a yogi engrossed in his own meditations, with his eyes closed (dhyana sammilitekshana); but, as a gracious divinity, in an attitude of attentive pose, ready to listen to the prayers of the devotees and conferring boons (varada) and chiding away fears (abhaya). He is not, therefore, seated in the locked up cross legs of a meditative pose (vaddha (padmasana), but seated in an easy pose sukhasana) with one leg hanging down on a stool of lotus (pamkajāsāna). Not being engaged in rituals, the symbols of ladle and the jar are eliminated. The rosary and the lotus remain the only indications of the identity. Indeed, this is the picture that is suggested in the early Chola sculpture of Bramhâ, of which a very fine and typical we are able to reproduce (Fig. A1) by the courtesy of the Director of the Metropolitan Museum of New York.

This form is not a speciality of the Chola sculptors, but is derived from late Pallava conceptions as will appear from our Notes published elsewhere in this (p. 62-64). As indicated in the Notes, there has been a distinct tendency in the late Pallava periods, to develop the plastic arts from the earlier architectural reliefs, executed in situ on the façades of temples, to free and independant statuary cut away from all support. This must have been accomplished early in the Chola period (9th century).

Fig. A

The Chola images of Bramhâ, which may be studied in three distinct groups, follow a clearly differentiated stylistic convention, with a strong affinity to the style of the bronze figures. This is very well illustrated in two close parallels, the example in the image (Fig. A1) being closely followed by another fine example of the same period, recently acquired by the Buffalo Art Gallery (Fig. A).

They represent not only identical iconographic conception in all details, but offer a singular unity of plastic style. In their consummate apotheosis of static serenity and dignity, in the depth and profundity of the facial expression in their wonderful sensitiveness, coupled with singular restraint, and, above all, in their accomplished execution, both the examples uphold the claim of Chola sculpture in the height of its glory.

The fact that these images are not, and could not have been, the main image of a temple but a subsidiary deity, having a place in a niche outside the main sanctum, did not make any difference in the sculptor’s homage; for he has not spared his skill and devotion which have vied with each other, and combined to produce such worthy masterpieces for the Southern school.

Fig. B

The two examples, though very closely related, are yet separated by a little distance of time, though belonging to the same epoch. In minor details, there is an evident attempt to elaborate and ” improve.”

The lotus in the front right hand offers quite a new distinction in treatment. In the first example (Fig. A1), the lotus bud is quite crude and simple; in the other, the lotus receives a long rhythmic stem, petals open out in delicate curves. The more obvious “improvement” is the somewhat exaggerated elaboration of the ornament of the necklace (hara), which receives a row of hanging “waves” of pearls which somewhat tend to distract attention from the meditative faces. The long coronet of matted locks are also elaborated and emphasized in detail and receive a flat “cubic” form in contrast with the conical shape in the first example.

Fig. C

In the second example there is an indication of the line of the muscle below the breasts, which somewhat breaks up the graceful descent of the torso. Somewhat midway between the two specimens stands a third example (Fig. C) from Kandiyur, identical in style and conception,                                                           slightly different in iconographic detail.

It is a two-handed image in which the two other hands are omitted. The type is not noticed by Gopinath Rao, though Mr. Sastri reproduces it, but does not relate the type to the texts (“South Indian Images,” 1916 (Fig. 9).

Stylistically, two points are worth noting. One is the shape of the matted locks; the sharp cone of the first example is in process of a gentle curve to form the almost square shape of the second specimen. The second detail is the length of the upavita, the sacred cord across the triple cord of chest, suggested by a triple cord of pearls.

In the first example, it descends and reaches the fringe of the robe; while in the second and third, it keeps near the jewelled belt of the chest (udarvandha). The stylistic details hold the examples of (Figs. A and C) together; while the one in the (Fig. A1) stands somewhat apart, that is to say, a little earlier than the other two. The distance in date could not be more than a quarter of a century.

The three examples, notwithstanding minor variations, are closely analogous, and represent the style of a definite epoch which may be characterized as mid-Chola (10th to 12th century). Yet a third example (Fig. B) is worth considering here. It is a much later specimen from the famous shrine of Siva, as Panchanadisvara at Tiruvadi. Both stylistically and iconographically, the example stands quite apart from the group of the three considered above. Though adhering generally to the earlier style, it is certainly poor in depth of conception and somewhat formal and unconvincing and evidently weak in its presentation of the theme. The torso is somewhat thick and squatty, and lacks the dignity and balance of the earlier examples. The “dhoti” has descended below the knees, thus encumbering the effect of the modelling of the limbs.

The rim of the lotus-seat receives unnecessary ornaments, which do not, in any way, help to improve the general effect. The piece may unquestionably be attributed to a late Chola or a post-Chola period (13th to 14th century). Though lacking in the depth and restraint of Chola Art at its best, it is as yet far from the ostentatious vacuity of Nayakka sculpture.

* One at Puskar near Ajmere, Rajputana, one at Dudahi in Bundelkund, one at Khed Bramhâ in the Idar State, and one at Kodakkal in Malabar.

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A message, when delivered in the form of a film or theatre, stays with us for a lifetime. We cherish the songs, we relate those stories to our life, and unexpectedly, we become a part of that enchanting play.

When the question is about cinema, theatre play, or short film, India never takes the back seat. Indian cinema creates history time and again with phenomenal filmography, theatre plays. If we take a trip down the cinematic bylanes, we see that the scenario of Indian cinema poles apart from today’s “Netflix and chill”. The Indian film industry stood the test of time despite the circumstances in the country. The credit goes entirely to the cinematic maestros whose undying zeal and determination laid a strong foundation for the succeeding generation.

This article is a deep dive into the yesteryear’s of cinema, enjoy the journey!

Beginning of cinematography

It all began in the year 1896 when the Lumiere brothers showed their first film in Mumbai. Till that time cinematography already created excitement and curiosity among the people. The screening of the first-ever shot film had already taken place in London.

Lumiere’s father had a small photographic portrait studio and a factory where photographic plates were produced. He worked hard in his early life, and gradually things got better. Lumiere screened 10 short films of 50 seconds each. He presented 6 of his films in Mumbai.

All these events inspired the artists of our country to a great extent. Harishchandra Sakharam Bhatavdekar shot a clipping and named it “The Wrestlers”. The clipping was telecasted at the Hanging Garden in Mumbai. That new beginning opened the door to a new era in the history of Indian cinema, i.e. the era of silent films.

But before going into the details of silent films. Let us tell you about the father of Indian cinema.

The father of Indian cinema

Dadasaheb Phalke or we can say the father of Indian cinema, made India’s first full-length feature film in the year 1913. He named his debut film “Raja Harishchnadra” and based the whole story on this legendary Indian king. You will be amazed to know that Dadasaheb Phalke was the script-writer, casting director, director, producer, cameraman, makeup artist, film processor, and editor of this film. This made the film unique and was a commercial hit of that time.

We cannot imagine juggling a plethora of tasks. However, he made the impossible possible. Dadasaheb left his job at the print agency and devoted all his time to the research of cinema and films. Despite going through a financial crisis, he managed to visit London. Dadasaheb saw the Walton Studios there and met with Cecil Hepworth. On his return from London, he set up “Phalke Films Company” and that was the beginning of his era in the industry.

For his debut film, he cast male actors, even for female roles due to the restrictions on women during those times. In his total career, he created 25 feature-length films and 27 short films. Mohini Bhasmasur, Satyavan Savitri, Lanka Dahan, Kaliya Mardan, and Shri Krishna Janma are some of his most appreciated works.

The era of silent films

This era established the base of Indian cinema. It created awareness about films and cinematography, and gradually the popularity for this grew. Dadasaheb Torne created a silent film named “Shree Pundalik” in Marathi in the year 1912. Due to the argument about its recording and British film processor, it was not considered the first Indian film.

Silent films flourished in different regions. In Tamil, R.Nataraja Mudaliar shot the first Tamil silent film named “Keechaka Vadham”. Madan Theatre founded by Jamshedji Framji Madan witnessed the production of 10 films. Later on, this man established Elphinstone Bioscope Company in Calcutta which eventually got merged with Madan Theatres Limited.

Gradually people started visiting the theatres and many more artists came up with new ideas.

But the sad part about this era is that a large number of silent films are absent from the pages of history. Few survived, but not in their original length and form.

Talkies Time

During the 1930s-mid-1940s, Talkies ruled the industry of cinematography. After the era of silent films, people were elated to hear the synchronized sound along with the picture. Talkies or sound films gave new life to the film industry. The idea of this kind of cinematography was as old as the idea of films. But the implementation and commercial success took time for this one.

Ardeshir Irani was the first one who introduced us to talkies. His production “Alam Ara” was the first-ever Indian talkie. “Alam Ara” was released in 1931. He even created “Kalidas”, the first south Indian talkie film. At this time, the first Bengali talkie was also released, named “Jumai Shasthi”. This led to the formation of “Tollywood” which eventually became the heart of this industry until Bollywood took over.

The period of talkies saw a huge improvement in Indian cinema. Swamikannu Vincent introduced the concept of “Tent Cinema”, Bombay Talkies and Prabhat Studios were inaugurated.

The Second World War affected the industry a lot. Production of cinema declined and people were not allowed to make movies on certain topics. During this hardship, the golden age started, which gifted us a bag full of outstanding creations.

The Golden Age

Between the period of the late 1940s to early 1960s, huge changes happened in terms of story, film processing, and many other things. There was a zeal in every Indian, especially the Bengalis to create cinema that is different from mainstream Indian cinema. And they accomplished it successfully!!

Bengalis took the front seat and drove the car of Indian cinema to the highest peak. Satyajit Ray, the pioneer of bengali cinema, created “The Apu Trilogy” which won the hearts of everyone. “Pather Panchali” is the first part of the trilogy that gave Ray recognition. The trilogy got several prizes in different international film festivals.

Along with the major trilogy, “Dharti Ke Lal”, “Nagarik”, “Do Bigha Zamin” are some of the films that were released before and were commercial hits. The films started taking up the social issues, the hardships of rural India. It started taking up the common issues to connect with people easily. We relate to emotions, and cinematography brought that emotion in front of us.

This era witnessed some of the greatest films of this industry. Starting from The Apu Trilogy, Jalsaghar, Charulata, and Aranyer Din Ratri. And not just filmmakers, that time had the greatest actors of all times. From Dilip Kumar, Guru Dutta to Raj Kapoor, and Meena Kumari, all of them rose to their highest peak of success in this era.

Finally the Bollywood

In the 1970s Bollywood came into the game to rule the industry of Indian cinema. The need for musical films and love stories was fulfilled in this era. Filmmaker Salim Khan and Javed Akhtar showed strong emotions like violence, crime, greed through their films “Zanjeer”, and “Deewar”. By mid-1970 they released the all-time blockbuster “Sholay”.

With time talented filmmakers released different blockbusters and introduced us to so many fabulous artists. The industry never fails to fill our hearts with emotions. Starting from Jai Santoshi Ma, Amar Akbar Anthony, to Mr. India, Dil To Pagal Hai, and Kuch Kuch Hota Hai, Indian cinema cast its magic on us every time. Also, the artists, be it “Three Khans”, Amitabh Bachchan or Sridevi, Kajol, Anil Kapoor, Sanjay Dutt, and Hrithik Roshan, everyone made their place in the hearts of 136 crores people. The list of artists will go on and on if we start now.

If we have a look at our current artists and films, there’s are also not ready to disappoint their fans. The charm and magic are still strong and will be strong for many more generations. Article 15, Mardaani 2, Tribhanga are some of my recent favorites.

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